A hard shoulder to cry on

On 12 September 2006 the Department for Transport initiated an experiment on the M42 in which, in periods of congestion, drivers would be allowed to use the hard shoulder. Media coverage of the experiment focused on safety problems: in the event of breakdowns or accidents emergency services would take longer to get to the scene.

There was virtually no discussion of the policy incoherence that under-pinned the experiment. The Department for Transport has two policies for dealing with congestion. The oldest is predict and provide, i.e. the provision of more road capacity to accommodate forecast traffic. Traffic growth has rendered the prediction part of this policy redundant. The Department now struggles to provide capacity to carry existing levels of traffic. The M42 trial is a cheap application of this policy. The second, newer, policy is congestion charging.

Both policies are doomed to failure because neither addresses the underlying problem of which congestion is merely a symptom: the continued rapid growth of the nations car population. Providing more road capacity at the hottest congestion hot-spots merely releases suppressed demand and increases the temperature of surrounding warm-spots. And so long as growth continues throughout the system, trying to price traffic out of the hot-spots will also spread the problem.

For more on this theme download Darling, meet the 800 pound gorilla!

Dangerous Trees?

Paper for conference on The Future of Tree Risk Management
London, 15 September 2006.

The average annual number of tree-related deaths between 1998 and 2003 (the most recent statistics available) was six, or one in 10 million averaged over the national population. The Health and Safety Executive considers that an individual risk of death of one in a million per annum for both workers and the public corresponds to a very low level of risk and should be used as a guideline for the boundary between the broadly acceptable and tolerable regions. The broadly acceptable region the HSE explains as follows: risks falling into this region are generally regarded as insignificant and adequately controlled.

Judged by this HSE guideline the tree-related risks that are the focus of this conference would appear to fall far below the HSE threshold of concern and require no further management.

Read the full paper – download PDF.

Three framing devices for managing risk

Summary of presentation for CRIMS (Canadian Risk and Insurance Management Society) conference, Calgary, 17-20 September 2006.

It is important to be clear about the type of risk you are dealing with. Directly perceptible risks are dealt with instinctively and intuitively. Virtual risks are culturally constructed when the science is inconclusive people are liberated to argue from pre-established beliefs, convictions & prejudices. When virtual risks sometimes called unconfirmed hypotheses get mistaken for risks about which science has clear and useful advice to offer, much confusion results.

Read the full summary – download PDF.

Planet saved?

Review for The Times Higher published 1 September 2006

Capitalism as if the World Matters
By Jonathan Porritt,
Earthscan Publications Ltd, 336pp, Hardcover £18.99
ISBN: 1844071928
Published 1 November 2005

Plan B 2.0: Rescuing a Planet Under Stress and a Civilization in Trouble
By Lester Brown,
W W Norton & Co Ltd, 352pp, Paperback £10.99
ISBN: 0393328317
Published February 28, 2006

Last June a seminar was held at the Young Foundation on the subject of positional goods – a concept central to the argument of The Social Limits to Growth by Fred Hirsch. Social Limits was published in 1976, four years after the much more famous Limits to Growth by Denis Meadows et al. The seminar provided a fascinating context for a review of the books by Porritt and Brown.

In Social Limits Hirsch argued that, in affluent societies in which most basic material needs had been met, the analyses of environmentalists in the 1970s, preoccupied with physical limits to growth, were strikingly misplaced. He accepted that, so long as material privation is widespread, conquest of material scarcity is the dominant concern. But, once these basic needs have been met, the goods that people pursue, increasingly become positional. By this he meant that the drive to keep up with or, even better, get ahead of, the Joneses was a zero sum game. This drive, he predicted, would end in frustration: if everyone stands on tiptoe, no one sees better.

Or sometimes worse. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in the realm of transport. Lewis Mumford observed in the 1960s that as long as motorcars were few in number, he who had one was a king. But now, hundreds of millions of kings later, he who has one has earned the privilege of sitting in a traffic jam pondering why his escape to the suburbs has not made him happier. It has also left urban planners struggling to cope with the amplified misery of the inner city that the kings have left behind. Hirschs insight published and largely ignored in the 1970s is belatedly gaining a foothold.

The 1970s witnessed an enormous upsurge in environmentalism. Friends of the Earth got started in 1971 its first high-profile stunt was the dumping of an impressive number of non-returnable bottles at the door of 10 Downing Street. The prescience of Limits to Growth appeared to be confirmed by the energy crisis of 1973. Prominent in this decade were campaigns against new motorways, airports and Concorde that collectively came to symbolise the heedless trampling of the natural environment and the extravagant consumption of finite resources driven by the pursuit of economic growth.

Jonathan Porritt in Britain and Lester Brown in the US can fairly claim to be the best known, and most influential, environmentalists in their respective countries. They are long-serving eco-warriors: Porritt, an active environmentalist in the 1970s, became co-director of Britains Green party in the early 1980s, and Director of Friends of the Earth between 1984 and 1990. Brown founded the Worlds best known environmental think tank, World Watch, in 1974. Both are battle-hardened and, judging by their most recent books, at a reflective stage of their careers.

How fares their struggle? Certainly their perspective on the Worlds problems has been altered by more than three decades of campaigning. In the 1970s and 80s they shared the prevailing neo-Malthusian ethos of Limits to Growth: Malthus only got the timing wrong; never-ending economic growth in a finite World was not possible.

Three decades of growth later the environmentalist Cassandras of the 1970s have metamorphosed into much-honoured elder statesmen. They are no longer dumping non-returnable bottles on the doorstep of number 10, they are invited inside. Porritt, has been chosen by the Prime Minister to chair his Sustainable Development Commission and is accurately described on the books jacket as a leading adviser to business and government. Brown, on his side of the Atlantic, has become the possessor of more than twenty honorary degrees and is similarly influential in the worlds of business and government.

Not surprisingly their tone has become less strident; if you are in the room with presidents, prime ministers and captains of industry, you dont need to shout. But the substance of their message has also changed. It has become less apocalyptic and more optimistic. Some of the entrepreneurial spirit of those with whom they now associate appears to have rubbed off.

In 1981 Brown declared, The period of global food security is over. In 1994, he wrote, The worlds farmers can no longer be counted on to feed the projected additions to our numbers. And as recently as 1997 he warned, Food scarcity will be the defining issue of the new era now unfolding, much as ideological conflict was the defining issue of the historical era that recently ended.

By Plan B he has become decidedly more cheerful: there is much to be up-beat about. His first chapter is entitled Entering a New World. One is tempted to preface New World with Brave: the challenge is to build a new economy and to do so at wartime speed participating in the construction of this enduring new economy is exhilarating. Worrying about whether there will be enough food has been replaced in Plan B by speculating about whether agriculture can feed the World and make a significant contribution, via carbon-neutral bio-fuels, to the solution of the energy crisis.

His emphasis has shifted from demand restraint to technical fix: All the problems we face can be dealt with using existing technologies or, hedging slightly, new technologies offer hope in dealing with the mounting challenges we face on the environmental front. He now holds out the hope that we can sustain economic progress while saving money, reducing oil dependence, and cutting carbon emissions.

On some issues his metamorphosis appears incomplete. On the subject of transport, for example, he is stranded between his old fears and his new optimism. On the one hand the car is the enemy, responsible for the degrading of cities and dispersal into low-density unsustainable suburbs. On the other he advocates technological developments in the form of cleaner, more efficient engines and non-carbon fuels that will remove constraints on further increases in car dependence. Gas-electric hybrid automobiles, getting 55 miles per gallon, are easily twice as efficient as the average vehicle on the road he enthuses.

Plan B concludes portentously: The choice is yours yours and mine. We can stay with business as usual and preside over an economy that continues to destroy its natural support systems until it destroys itself, or we can adopt Plan B and be the generation that changes direction, moving the world onto a path of sustained progress. The choice will be made by our generation, but it will affect life on earth for all generations to come.

The choice, as he frames it, pretty much makes itself. Would you like to sustain economic progress while saving money, reducing oil dependence, and cutting carbon emissions, or not? In Browns view technology makes all this possible.

Porritts latter-day optimism is more nuanced and qualified. He challenges the mantra of the techno-enthusiasts: ever since the publication of Limits to Growth, sustainable development pragmatists have convincingly argued that the best hope of averting ecological meltdown is pervasive technological innovation. While still concerned about the damage inflicted on the natural environment by untrammeled economic growth, he is now much more interested in the problem that troubled Hirsch. What is economic growth for? What is the ultimate objective of the economic progress championed by Brown?

He invokes the growing body of evidence produced by Richard Layard and others to demonstrate that despite three decades of economic growth affluent societies are no happier now than they were in the 1970s. And he laments with Robert Putnam the decline of social capital that has accompanied economic growth. He concludes that without high and stable levels of social capital, no society can achieve its collective aspirations and that the core values that underpin sustainable development interdependence, empathy, equity, personal responsibility, and intergenerational justice are the only foundation upon which any viable vision of a better world can possibly be constructed.

The cover of Capitalism features a quotation from a Financial Times review: A message that businesses may find they are surprised to agree with. It would indeed be surprising if capitalists, or governments, were to surprise themselves by agreeing with his message. There are no businesses of economic significance that do not aspire to grow, and no governments that do not continue to strive to provide their voters with more of the material fruits of economic progress.

Affluent societies appear to be on what Layard calls an hedonic treadmill. If everyone stands on tiptoe no one sees better. And if everyone on the hedonic treadmill runs faster, no one gets happier. The ethos of capitalism, with its commitment to exponential growth, drives the wheel ever faster.

Although he tries valiantly to be upbeat, ultimately Porritts vision is more wistful than optimistic. In Redefining Prosperity, a report of his Sustainable Development Commission, he observes: ‘rather than ˜consume less, the thrust of any new debate here is likely to be ˜consume wisely for the foreseeable future. That may not be sufficient, but it’s all that would appear to be manageable right now in terms of mainstream political responses to capitalist economies.

On becoming Vashti: reflections of a novice blogger

My nomination for the most prescient work of science fiction is The Machine Stops by E.M. Forster. Writing in 1909, not only did he anticipate television, the Internet, video conferencing, email, Amazon, Google and Globalization but, more significantly, the impact that they would have on our lives.

It is a short story about a world in which progress has run its course. This is how it begins:

Imagine, if you can, a small room, hexagonal in shape, like the cell of a bee. It is lighted neither by window nor by lamp, yet it is filled with a soft radiance. There are no apertures for ventilation, yet the air is fresh. … An armchair is in the centre … there sits a swaddled lump of flesh – a woman [Vashti], about five feet high, with a face as white as a fungus. It is to her that the little room belongs.

There were buttons and switches everywhere – buttons to call for food, for music, for clothing. … There was the button that produced literature. … and there were of course the buttons by which she communicated with her friends. The room, though it contained nothing, was in touch with all that she cared for in the world.

The Machine provided access direct and unlimited to mankind’s desired ultimate ends. It thereby rendered redundant the necessity for access to the multitude of intermediate ends with which our civilization is so preoccupied. Access to shops to obtain food and clothing, access to work to obtain the money to purchase them, and access to recreation to obtain respite from work all such concerns had lost any significance. Scientific and technical progress had set humanity free, within mortal limits, to devote itself exclusively to its ultimate ends.

The result was a civilization of intellectuals in pursuit of abstraction. And despite its facilities for instant communication and gratification of all material wants, it was always irritably pressed for time. The almost infinite disproportion between what was accessible and what it was possible to digest either physically or mentally, created an endemic frustration that could not be appeased. There was a pervasive, though rarely articulated, anxiety about the purpose of it all:

No one confessed the Machine was out of hand. Year by year it was served with increased efficiency and decreased intelligence. The better a man knew his own duties upon it, the less he understood the duties of his neighbour, and in all the world there was not one who understood the monster as a whole. Those master brains had perished. They had left full directions, it is true, and their successors had each of them mastered a portion of those directions.

On one crucial point Forster got it wrong or, perhaps, not yet right:

Few traveled in these days, for, thanks to the advance of science, the earth was exactly alike all over. Rapid intercourse, from which the previous civilization had hoped so much, had ended by defeating itself. What was thegood of going to Peking when it was just like Shrewsbury? Why return to Shrewsbury when it would all be like Peking? Men seldom moved their bodies; all unrest was concentrated in the soul.

Perhaps we still belong to Forster’s “previous civilization” the hypermobile civilization that “had mistaken the functions of the system, and had used it for bringing people to things, instead of for bringing things to people.” This “mistake” is now widely recognized by those who lament the inefficiency of our present “system” and who, in the vanguard of “progress”, chorus that “access not mobility” should be the objective of the planners of our transport and communications systems. The purpose of these systems is to take the waiting out of wanting, and they are succeeding brilliantly. I can now order a book from Amazon in the expectation that it will arrive tomorrow, or if that is not fast enough, I can download it today. Like Vashti, the central figure in the story, I can order food, music and clothing, and communicate instantly and costlessly with friends anywhere in the World, without leaving my keyboard. And like Vashti I can give and receive electronic “lectures” or blogs – to and from anyone in the world who is online.

My anxieties and dissatisfactions with the wondrous benefits delivered by this Machine, are represented by Forster in Vashti’s son Kuno. Kuno’s hexagonal cell lay deep in the earth beneath what was once known as Wessex, and his mother lived in an identical cell deep beneath the surface of what was once New Zealand. And Kuno wanted to see his mother face-to-face:

“I want you to come and see me.”

Vashti watched his face in the blue plate. “But I can see you!” she exclaimed. What more do you want?”

“I want to see you not through the Machine. I want to speak to you not through the wearisome Machine.”

Kunos wants explain the behaviour of the still increasing numbers who attend conferences and travel to meet friends, and Vashtis incomprehension is shared by the frustrated purveyors of video-phones and Internet-conferencing. Some years ago, waiting in Vancouver airport to fly to London I got chatting to a man about to fly to Toronto to play bridge with someone from Toronto, someone from Scotland and someone from San Francisco. They had met and played bridge on the Internet, and now needed a real game.

The Machine Stops is more than a farsighted commentary on the destructive impact of on-rushing trends in transport and communications on human sensibilities and human intercourse. It crystallizes anxieties about the modern Globalization Project. It proposes that the World can become too interdependent and too dependent on the technology and transport and communications infrastructure that binds its diverse parts together. Certainly the isolated pedestrian peasant village is socially claustrophobic, undemocratic, and vulnerable to famine, disease and misunderstandings with neighbouring villages. But might there be a limit to the progress that has relieved these conditions?

Almost 100 years after Forster wrote his story our master brains are struggling. The Machine is showing increasing signs of stress. The master brains in charge of transport offer no credible remedies for the creeping sclerosis of the systems they purport to manage. Governments everywhere are issuing more and more guidelines, targets, directives, risk assessments, regulations and laws, to less and less effect. Control of the increasing flows of migrants and asylum seekers across international boundaries is breaking down. Britains Home Office, the department of government responsible for maintaining social order, has been declared by the master brain in charge to be not fit for purpose. And civil rights are being sacrificed in pursuit of solutions to problems that have grown beyond the reach of traditional democratic means.

Meanwhile the Internet goes from strength to strength. A recent survey found that the average Briton spends 164 minutes online everyday, compared to 148 minutes watching television. The distinction between these two media will soon be blurred by the delivery of TV to computers via broadband. But the current total of 34.6 hours per week, already approaching Vashti levels, continues to rise. And I, as a novice blogger, am a part of this phenomenon. A blog is a note in an electronic bottle cast forth on the vast cyber sea. The note-in-bottle mode of communication is almost always futile, undertaken in a spirit of hope rather than rational expectation. We shall see.

Death on the roads – Article lacks logic

Letter to the editor of the British Medical Journal, 26 June, 2006, commenting on Unsafe driving behaviour and four wheel drive vehicles: observational study, by Lesley Walker, Jonathan Williams and Konrad Jamrozik.

EDITOR Walker et al show convincingly that drivers and other occupants of heavy four wheel drive vehicles are safer in crashes than those in smaller or lighter vehicles and those on foot or cycle.1 They also show that drivers of these vehicles use mobile phones more often and seat belts less often than drivers of other cars.

But by conflating mobile phone use (which distracts drivers) and non-use of seat belts (which makes drivers feel less safe) as equally important examples of illegal and dangerous practices they have sown confusion and undermined the prospect of a constructive approach to road safety.

Using mobile phones and not using seatbelts have opposing consequences for other road users. The distraction caused by mobile phones increases the threat to others, but the non-use of seat belts decreases it. As the authors note, deaths of pedestrians, cyclists, and rear seat passengers increased (by 8%, 13%, and 28% respectively) after laws mandating the use of seat belts in front seats were introduced in the United Kingdom.

To follow this debate on the BMJ website and to view the full article commented on see: http://bmj.bmjjournals.com/cgi/content/full/333/7558/71